Quotes of the Day

 Yushchenko supporters near Kiev’s Independence Square are staying put
Sunday, Dec. 12, 2004

Open quote YOU BELIEVE IT WAS THE GOVERNMENT THAT POISONED YOU. Of course, it was poisoning, an act of political revenge. It was done by the authorities.

HOW IS YOUR HEALTH NOW? Now I'm O.K. I can handle a very harshly packed and tough workload.

WHO'S RUNNING UKRAINE WHILE WE AWAIT THE DEC. 26 PRESIDENTIAL VOTE? Dual powers have always existed in this country. The presidential staff functioned as the real government, while the formal Cabinet answered to them. But these state institutions have lost their legitimacy. In the wake of the stolen election, public opinion emerged and caused public institutions like the National Salvation Committee [a shadow government launched by Yushchenko shortly after the disputed Nov. 21 vote] to spring up. There is now a third power — the electorate, who are not organized into formal civic institutions but strongly influence the emerging power structures.

SO, WHO'S RUNNING THE COUNTRY? Most official structures simply ceased to follow instructions from the government. I'm not saying that they now follow decrees from the National Salvation Committee; it focuses on how to bring legitimate institutions out of the crisis caused by the election fraud rather than on handling economic or social issues. Meanwhile, a considerable part of the law-enforcement agencies have sided with the people. I can say the same about the military. Neither the armed forces nor the domestic security services will carry out [the previous government's] orders.

WILL THE DEC. 26 RERUN SOLVE THE POLITICAL CRISIS? Basically, yes. But we're talking about a whole package of political questions, beginning with who falsified the Nov. 21 election returns. The center of that fraud was at Kuchma's office. The Cabinet and a number of regional bodies acted as major subcontractors, so the Cabinet's resignation is only logical.

WHAT IF THE CABINET DOESN'T RESIGN? The conflict will escalate. The public will take a much tougher stand, demanding that parliament's resolution to have the Cabinet fired be complied with. The second venue of escalation concerns President Kuchma. The parliament's decision to fire the Cabinet has not been followed by him.

WHAT WILL THE OPPOSITION DO? Most likely, parliament will take over the President's prerogatives by forming a new Cabinet. Kuchma's priority is keeping power, the power of the old regime. Provocations and the use of force remain a high probability. [The current government] actually has no other resource left. I expect them to resort to violence before the Dec. 26 vote.

HOW WILL YOU RESPOND TO THAT? We're involved in the parliamentary process. Parliament is restructuring and searching for its new image. Such changes may make parliament the most effective institution of state authority. This is our best response to possible provocations and use of force.

SEPARATISM IS ON THE RISE IN UKRAINE'S EAST. HOW WOULD YOU HANDLE THAT? Over the last decade, Kuchma and his government have aggravated a number of serious issues, like language, religion, integration with Russia or Europe and relations between eastern and western Ukraine. In fact, each of these issues has a very simple solution. On languages, let's stop arguing about which language we ought to use — Russian or Ukrainian — and let's start learning both instead, as well as others. On religion, let's keep the state out of this — it's each individual's personal right to choose a church. On integration, Ukraine has strategic interests in [Russia and Europe], so let's look after them both. There is no contradiction between these approaches. The issue of [eastern vs. western] Ukraine has been exploited ... as a form of pressure: if the public keeps demanding a rerun, we'll ignite radicalism in the east, which could put Ukraine's territorial integrity in doubt. It's not how people there really feel; it's how the government manipulates them.

WHAT WOULD BE YOUR KEY OBJECTIVES AS PRESIDENT? The most important objective is making the right kind of country. The previous 14 years have resulted in a clannish model, in which three or four families run the entire country. Ninety-nine percent of the people know that their rights are not defended in any way, that a phone call from the presidential staff supersedes the law. We need a new independent judiciary. We need freedom of speech. As an economist, I'm worried that 55% of the national economy works in the shadows. What I want is an open, transparent, functional, socially oriented economy.

WHAT DO YOU THINK OF RUSSIA'S UKRAINE POLICIES? I think Russia could have come up with much better decisions. Russia endorsed the incumbent regime rather than public opinion. Russia's actions have left a deep scar in the hearts of millions of Ukrainians.Close quote

  • Ukranian Presidential hopeful Viktor Yushchenko talks to TIME
Photo: ALEXANDER DEMIANCHUK/REUTERS | Source: Viktor Yushchenko talks to TIME's Yuri Zarakhovich about the attack on his life, who he believes did it, what he'll do if elected President of Ukraine, and what he thinks of Vladimir Putin's Russia